马哈迪退出巫统

5月31日 上午10点01分

巫统在308大选的挫败，促使马哈迪更猛烈地炮轰首相阿都拉，通过党选固打制、特大、马来人权益等课题进行角力，同时企图鼓动其他巫统领袖出来推翻阿都拉的领导。领导巫统22年的前首相马哈迪在5月19日抛下震撼弹，今午宣布退出巫统，并呼吁党员步其后尘，一直到首相阿都拉下台为止。以下是相关新闻的整理：

三月

“一面自我反省的镜子”　马哈迪：我国需要在野党

马哈迪力促阿都拉引咎辞职　斥听信凯里策略失五州政权

马哈迪开炮压力激增　阿都拉否认辞职传闻

传闻慕克里兹呼吁阿都拉下台　不明人士涌现记者会转移阵地

国阵惨败差35席就被推翻　慕克里兹致函要阿都拉下台

“现有领导怕说真话有问题”　马哈迪支持召开巫统特大建议

讽妇女组抗议阿都拉半途折返　马哈迪：凯里靠邮寄选票取胜

长期打压印裔心声掀起不满　马哈迪：开除三美才能平怒

马哈迪：为何我们感觉不美好？

巫统巫青领袖反对展延党选　蕉赖区部呼吁废竞选固打制

反阿都拉势力吹响集结号？　马哈迪基尔下周同台演讲

马哈迪：登统治者否决必有其因　影射前大臣第一家庭滥用石油税

讽刺不可能重夺五州政权　马哈迪：巫统仍沉睡不醒

“选举惨败马哈迪难咎其责”　再努丁：三言论使人民反国阵

马哈迪基尔讲座宣告爆满　传泰益禁止国阵党员出席

四月

马哈迪促党员站出来　讲真话叫阿都拉下台

全面反击马哈迪拉沙里安华　阿都拉说抨击言论摧毁巫统

巫统最高理事引咎总辞？　马哈迪看衰他们没胆量

马哈迪施压阿都拉立即交棒　否则巫统议员或投不信任票

坚持党传统以体面方式接棒　纳吉回马哈迪：我不是懦夫

五月

马哈迪Che Det部落格开跑　首炮质疑司法委员会或违宪

首相敦马握手照上中文报封面　除了星报，巫英文报皆没刊登

马哈迪：首相不信任其副手　“阿都拉不准许纳吉见我”

人民怨气高，国阵议员酿跳槽　马哈迪：民盟有可能取而代之

马哈迪莎丽扎哈密年薪逾百万　祖基菲批首相三顾问白领薪水

阿都拉：我没阻纳吉见马哈迪　指示巫统针对卡巴星言论报警

马哈迪：林甘影片是一种勒索　指控安华窜改影片以打击林甘

公开炮轰阿都拉阻拦会面奏效　马哈迪如尝所愿见纳吉两句钟

内阁公开林甘皇委会调查报告　指示调查马哈迪等六名涉案者

马哈迪挑战政府起诉他　恫言上庭抖司法界内幕

马哈迪退党呼吁党员追随　称阿都拉下台才重回巫统

马哈迪可能引发巫统退党潮　沙里尔：准备面对闪电大选

阿都拉惊讶退党决定　拒绝亲自挽留马哈迪

卡巴星：林甘影片案未了　马哈迪慌张退党未证清白

仅花5分钟提及马哈迪退党事项　首相召见巫统议员慕克里兹缺席

“莫让贪腐者取代弱势领袖”　安华提醒别跌入马哈迪议程

希山：退党不会加速权力转移　沙里尔：无退党潮没闪电大选

援引阿都拉为妻姨写推荐信为例　马哈迪辩称游说委任法官不违法

纳兹里说巫统议员绝不退党　炮轰马哈迪以肮脏手段勒索

形容马哈迪绝望挣扎无人响应　添强：加剧党争国阵更快倒台

不退党却限定阿都拉七月下台　慕克里兹：我与父亲殊途同归

马哈迪号召国阵议员暂时退党　一石二鸟之计倒阿都拉阻安华

不齿利用党籍要挟阿都拉下台　希山建议管委会对付慕克里兹

莫扎尼步父亲后尘退党　否认与慕克里兹闹分歧

报道说两千党员准备递退党信　巫统紧急会议讨论马哈迪退党

慕克里兹倒戈抨击政府　允许战争贩子来马投资

巫统最高理事接受退党决定　只希望马哈迪有朝一日重返

马丽娜描绘父亲心平气和退党　马哈迪反击慕沙当年才是肉刺

巫统法律顾问受委联邦法官　慕克里兹质疑首相遭人游说

森霹巫青团长围剿慕克里兹　吉打州巫统否认有支部解散

以拉萨曾推翻两任党主席为例　马哈迪：倒阿都拉非对党不忠

三百人聚集梳邦机场迎接回国　马哈迪宣称退党没减弱欢迎度

马哈迪部落格创世界纪录？　开张1个月突破百万点击率

警惕勿对马哈迪言行等闲视之　陈亚才：他成事不足败事有余

马哈迪逼宫驱使阿都拉改革　无心插柳拓展言论民主空间

皇冠城封路风波

6月1日 中午12点14分


蕉赖—加影大道特许经营公司Grand Saga自2006年中，以路墩封闭蕉赖皇冠城接驳到该大道的主要出口，迫使当地居民每天必须绕远路，多缴过路费，同时饱受塞车之苦。居民逐自救组织起皇冠城开路行动委员会，奔走各相关政府部门要求开路，其间更展开多次的示威抗议，并爆发警民冲突，不过事情却没有任何进展。

伴随大选而来的政治海啸提供了居民一片曙光，因为雪州更换了新的掌舵人民盟政府。雪州政府以路墩地点属州政府管辖范围的理由，默许皇冠城居民动手拆除石礅，打通该路口。不过，大道公司亦不甘示弱再次立起路障。一场你建我拆的冲突爆发，其中更导致警方以水炮、催泪弹驱散和武力攻击和逮捕民众，以及黑党分子介入打人的溅血事件。国阵中央政府于5月底，在强大的舆论压力下，通过工程部长宣布皇冠城出口不应再设置石墩，暂时开路直到法庭针对此案作出裁决为止。


以下是308大选后皇冠城封路事件新闻整理：

4月

蕉赖皇冠城封路课题露曙光　开路委员会求助新雪州政府

地段掀争议，雪政府开路喊停　皇冠城居民坚持用神手移石礅

需多四天来勘察石礅所在道路　蕉赖皇冠城封路争议未有结果

皇冠城封路争议延宕四天　居民对会议结果倍感失望

皇冠城开路诉求获得两方背书　土地局测量师指地段属发展商

5月

皇冠城路墩位置第三次勘查　开路委会对测量结果感乐观

大道公司重新封路获警察护驾　皇冠镇千人阻挡不果两人被捕

警方一走石礅十分钟内被毁　刘天球挑战中央派人来测量

警方走后居民推倒石礅重开路　刘天球放话：放一个，拆一个

皇冠城再封路催泪弹水炮齐发　林立迎遭拳打脚踢陈文华被捕

开路委会失望雪政府软弱　卡立承诺下周开四方会议

封路风波中遭殴伤入院就医　火箭全体议员明探访林立迎

未定夺是否公开林甘调查报告书　阿都拉不知皇冠城冲突议员被殴

测量局再证实石墩地段属雪州　大道公司起诉天球文华市议会

阻止封路被殴伤不言悔　林立迎要起诉警方施暴

开路委员会申请庭令遭否决　大道公司即宣布将重置石墩

人权委员会促公开林甘调查报告　彻查皇冠城冲突不排除开听证会

卡在车流疏漏及赔偿问题　皇冠城开路会议没有结果

雪州政府承诺皇冠镇不会封路　大道公司发展商争议庭上解决

大道公司本周重置皇冠城路墩　吁居民尊重法庭判决别受误导

蕉赖皇冠城再面临封路厄运　大道公司漏夜筑起石墩城墙

拆墩冲突居民记者惨遭黑帮殴伤　共4人被捕6人受伤3人严重入院

谴责警方袖手旁观黑帮持械伤人　隆雪华青促雪政府别口说手不动

张念群将提呈紧急动议辩论　皇冠城居民明日拉队上国会

黑色汽车被指企图冲撞警员　被捕2男1女已经被警方释放

大道公司否认涉及暴力事件　宣称承包商同样受伤并报警

雪州政府持大道公司20%股权　卡立要开特大游说股东拆石墩

议长驳回讨论皇冠城紧急动议　开路委员会国会呈备忘录遇阻

卡立首次亲临皇冠城视察　保证两星期解决石墩风波

曹智雄辩称警方没有袖手旁观　指镇暴队抵达时冲突已经结束

现场记者坚称警员坐视不理　媒体组织促总警长揪出暴徒

为拆墩者恐吓摄记举动道歉　开路委会促支持者克制守法

斥4人谋杀30镇暴队员不逻辑　人权委会谴责镇暴队滥用暴力

内阁宣布皇冠城暂时开路　直到法庭对案件下判为止

向四川地震遇难者致哀

http://www.china5000.org.cn/flower/index.htm

Thank you so much and sorry for letting you down

Written by Malaysia Today

Friday, 09 May 2008

When the police came to my home last Friday to confiscate my computers, I was not at all shocked or perturbed. I had half-expected that to happen considering the response to my 25 April 2008 article in this same column, Let’s send the Altantuya murderers to hell (read the article here). And the response I am talking about is the public statement by the wife of the Deputy Prime Minister plus the letter from the Deputy Prime Minister’s Press Secretary (read the letter here).

As the police left my house, they issued me a Section 111 order to report to the Cyber Crime Division of Bukit Aman at 11.00am the following morning for my statement to be recorded. However, at 3.15pm that same day, they phoned me and asked whether I could go there at 4.00pm instead, that means in 45 minutes time, rather than the following day at 11.00am as originally ordered.

I phoned Sam, my lawyer, and he told me I need not comply to this ‘request’ as the Section 111 order had stipulated 11.00am, Saturday, 3 May 2008 and not 4.00pm, Friday, 2 May 2008. Since the order said 11.00am Saturday, then that is the date and time I should report to Bukit Aman and I can legally refuse to their request to come in a day earlier.

Nevertheless, I decided to consent to this request although I had legal grounds to refuse to do so. The police then told me that a police report had been made against me on the article mentioned above so they have to take my statement. I asked to see a copy of the police report plus the statement from the person who had lodged the report but they admitted they did not have it nor has the police officer who was to take my statement seen it yet. For all intents and purposes it did not exist. (Read the full story here: Towering Malays and the ‘hush’ on Peace Hill)

On Monday, at about 9.15pm, I received a phone call from the same police officer who raided my house three days earlier and he wanted to know if I could go to the Jalan Duta magistrates court at 9.30am the following morning, Tuesday, 6 May 2008. He asked me to look for DSP Mahfuz and said that they will be charging me. I asked what they were charging me for and he replied that he does not know. I then said if he knows that I am supposed to report to the Jalan Duta magistrates court and what time and day I am supposed to report there, surely he must know what I am going to be charged for. He replied maybe it is for sedition but he is not sure.

I called the police officer back five minutes later and he confirmed that it will be for sedition after all. But there are so many courts in Jalan Duta. Which court am I supposed to go to? He did not know. He said just hang around the lobby and they will come find me and escort me to the correct court.

I arrived in Jalan Duta at 8.45am, 45 minutes ahead of schedule. By 10.15am I was still hanging around and no DSP Mahfuz came to see me. One of my lawyers then went upstairs to try to find out which court my case was going to be held in and he came back to inform me that there is no case registered yet in the Jalan Duta magistrates court.

At 10.30am, I received a phone call from DSP Mahfuz asking me to go to the PJ sessions court. We all rushed to PJ and arrived there at 11.00am as instructed only to find out that there is no case registered there as well. In fact, the magistrate was on medical leave. Furthermore, no charges against me had been prepared yet.

I was asked to sit down and wait while they phone the magistrate to come back to work. They also needed to prepare the charge and register my case. It appears like they had decided to charge me first and then prepared the charge and decided which court to charge me in as an afterthought.

Under the Sedition Act they need to arrest me or at the very least issue me a summons. A summons under the Sedition Act is bailable but not compoundable like in a traffic summons. The maximum fine is RM5,000 or a jail term of three years or both. In my case, they had not served any summons, nor had they served a warrant of arrest, and my case was not even registered nor the charges prepared. For all intents and purposes, I was in court on my own free will and I need not have gone there if I did not want to.

After a lot of last minute preparing the charge, registering my case, and the magistrate on sick leave finally coming back to work, etc., they charged me, to which I pleaded not guilty. They then set the maximum bail of RM5,000.

This RM5,000 bail was absolutely unnecessary. I need not even have gone to court. There was no legal obligation on my part to do so. They just phoned me to ask whether I could go to court and I agreed to do so. I did so willingly, demonstrating full cooperation, and without forcing them to follow proper procedures. After all, how do I know who was on the other line? How do I know that this was a legitimate and not a crank call? They produced no evidence that I was to be charged and they did ask whether I could come to court -- and a question like that is open to a ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answer. They did not say I must go to court. They asked whether I could go to court.

So, when they imposed the maximum RM5,000 bail I refused to pay it and instead chose to be remanded until the day of the hearing in October 2008. When they asked me why, I replied that they could have posed bail on personal bond seeing how I was very cooperative and did not offer any resistance. I did not even insist they follow proper procedures but was quite willing to respond to mere phone calls.

When I arrived in Sungai Buloh Prison, something happened that put the entire prison on full alert. Sirul and Azilah, who were in the same block as me, Blok Damai, shouted for me to watch my back and that they will get me. I was quickly whisked out of the block. It seems they were angry that the Altantuya murder trial, which had disappeared from the radar screens, has now, again, been given the spotlight. Why should that upset them? Why the need for the Altantuya murder trial to disappear from the radar screens?

I was then assigned to my own cell, cell 8, and was not allowed to come into contact with any of the other prisoners. My cell door was permanently locked and whenever I had to leave my cell they would assign two or three Special Forces personnel, UPK, as my bodyguards. As further precautions, I refused to touch any drink or food as I remembered very well the arsenic poisoning that Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim suffered when he too was in the same prison.

So, from the time I entered prison until the time I walked out four days later, I did not eat or drink, which of course the prison interpreted as a hunger strike. They told me that a hunger strike is a serious crime and they could charge me for that. But that was the least of my worries at that point of time.

I met no less than five or six senior officers at different points of time who all insisted that I agree to meet my wife and lawyers so that they could arrange bail for me. I made it very clear that I refuse to see anyone because I do not want them to start crying and begging me to agree to bail as that would weaken me. If I shut myself out from the rest of the world that would make it easier to stand firm.

The head of the Special Forces and someone from the Intelligence Unit also met me to explain that they will try their best to keep me safe. Nevertheless, they can’t watch over me 100% of the time so my continued presence in prison is a great burden to the entire staff. We are on full alert and we have to report to the ministry every hour on the hour. No one can sleep because of you, they said, so please agree to bail and leave.

One of the Special Forces chaps told me to never trust anyone. Don’t even trust the men in uniform, not even if they wear this same uniform, he tugged on his shirt to emphasis the point. Your life here is worth a packet of tobacco. Prisoners will kill just for that. And Sirul (or was it Azilah?) is very intelligent, he added. He knows which prisoners can be bought and he has many on his payroll. He can always get someone to do his job for him.

Whenever I was brought out they made sure that Sirul and Azilah, and the other 18 or so police officers that are in their same block, were locked up. Once, when they brought me out, and someone in the walktie-talkie said that the two were in the hospital, they quickly locked me up and only brought me out again after the two were safely locked up. I could see that they were not merely trying to frighten me but were genuinely worried.

Look, they told me, we have only 600 men against more than 5,000 inmates. And not all 600 are on shift at the same time. This prison was built for only 2,500 inmates so we are grossly overcapacity. If anything does happen, our personnel are grossly outnumbered. And with you here the potential for something happening is very great. Please, they appealed, consider your stand of not agreeing to bail. If not for your sake at least for ours. Whether you wish to live or die is your decision. But whatever happens to you will affect all our careers as well.

Anyway, to cut a long story even longer, I finally agreed to meet my wife and agreed to my wife’s appeal that she be allowed to pay the bail. After all, a knife in my stomach would not exactly be what the doctor would recommend.

I made many friends in my very short stay in the Sungai Buloh Prison: the Indian chap who was on trial for kidnapping who kept peeping into my cell to ask whether I needed everything, the Indonesian transvestite across from my cell who kept calling me ‘sayang’ and offered to massage my aching back, the Chinese man on trial for money laundering who asked for my autograph, the air force pilot who searched all over prison for reading glasses so that I could read my books, and all the guards and Special Forces chaps who smiled and gave me the thumbs-up when I greeted them with ‘Makkal Sakhti’. And they all wanted just one thing. They wanted me home so that I can continue to write and so that they can continue to find out the truth as to what is happening in this country.

Yes, I was touched. I was touched that alleged kidnappers and murderers and those we would normally consider the scum of the earth, and all those who are guarding them in prison, know about Makkal Sakhti and want the message of Makkal Sakhti to continue through Malaysia Today. To those who are on the outside looking in, these people are the forgotten people. These people no longer exist. You do not have names in prison. You are just a number and a statistic. But when you are amongst them, you can see that they have chosen a life different from yours -- theirs is a life of crime -- but their aspirations and ideals are the same as we on the outside looking in. They too want justice, equality, democracy, freedom of speech and a better Malaysia for all.

Yes, they might be criminals. And they may be criminals out of choice. But life never really gave them too many choices. Some turn to crime out of greed. But many turn to crime out of sheer need and desperation. And these are the faces I saw in prison, faces of people whom life offered not many choices. But then one of these faces may be the last face I see. One of these faces may be that of the one sent to do the evil deed of those who feel I have brought the spotlight back onto a murder trial that was almost buried and forgotten if not for the article I had written.

My wife knows I can be very stubborn and I seldom back down once I have made my resolution. She also knows that I can marah nyamuk and bakar kelambu, which can be considered irrational to most. But the support from all and sundry kept her strong and allowed her the will to fight. She is very touched with the support shown and the solidarity demonstrated by friends, bloggers and readers of Malaysia Today. In such a situation words can never really explain how one feels. To all Malaysians, on behalf of my wife and my entire family, I would like to express our most sincere gratitude. And this comes from the bottom of our hearts.

And to all Malaysians, I also want to say that I am sorry for allowing myself to be persuaded in agreeing to accept bail. I feel like I have let you down after earlier rejecting bail and instead choosing to stay in jail until my hearing in October. Under the circumstances, why should I allow my adversaries to finish me off like a cornered rat? At least if one has to go down let it be one goes down fighting.

On the money collected thus far, if all you donors can agree to it, I am going to propose that the surplus be put into a BLOGGERS DEFENCE FUND so that any blogger who may in future suffer persecution from the powers-that-be will have financial support to stand and fight. The bail is of course refundable and can be put back into the fund for future use. And the fund can also be used for legal costs whenever we can’t find lawyers who will defend bloggers on a pro bono basis.

That is all for today. I am still slightly disoriented and my aching back is not allowing me to focus that well -- so sorry if my piece today is slightly below par.

Anwar - 100 tokoh paling berpengaruh

Written by Malaysia kini

May 2, 08 4:51pm

Penasihat PKR Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim dinobatkan sebagai seorang daripada 100 tokoh paling berpengaruh di dunia oleh sebuah majalah terkenal.

Keputusan itu dibuat berdasarkan undian secara dalam talian yang diselaraskan oleh majalah mingguan terkenal Time.

Tokoh-tokoh tersebut dibahagikan dalam lima kategori iaitu pemimpin dan revolusioner, hero dan perintis, ahli sains dan pemikir, seniman dan penghibur, serta jurubina dan titan. Anwar berada di tempat kesembilan dalam kategori yang pertama selepas beberapa calon presiden Amerika Syarikat, Dalai Lama dan George W Bush.

Seratus tokoh paling berpengaruh dipilih daripada lebih 200 tokoh yang dicalonkan.Dalam majalah itu, Anwar digambarkan sebagai pemimpin Islam yang memperjuangkan sikap toleransi, demokrasi dan hak-hak asasi manusia.

《时代》百名最有影响力人物 安华在领袖改革者榜中排第九

Written by Merdeka review

May 02, 2008 ■时间／01:55:29 pm

身陷囹圄六年，刚在4月15日重获参选权的前副首相安华依布拉欣尽管尚未重返国会殿堂，但仍获美国《时代》（Time）杂志推选为世界百名最有影响力人物之一，在“领导人与改革者”组中排名第九，仅次于达赖喇嘛、俄罗斯总统普丁、美国三名总统候选人奥巴马、希拉里、麦凯恩、中国国家主席胡锦涛、美国现任总统布什及南非前副总统雅各布祖马。

今年是《时代》杂志第五次推选世界百名最有影响力人物，而安华（Anwar Ibrahim）是唯一入选的马来西亚政治人物，其他入选者包括达赖喇嘛、中国国家主席胡锦涛、美国三名总统候选人奥巴马、希拉里、麦凯恩、俄罗斯总统普丁、美国总统布什、台湾候任总统马英九、缅甸民主派领袖昂山素枝、媒体大亨梅铎（Rupert Murdoch）等。
安华（左图）目前是人民公正党实权领袖，曾任巫统署理主席、槟州峇东埔区国会议员、副首相兼财政部长；在1998年金融风暴期间因与首相马哈迪政见分歧，遭马哈迪革职及开除党籍，过后更被控以渎职罪及鸡奸罪，在1999年4月14日因渎职罪名成立被判六年监禁。

安华的渎职罪刑罚在2003年刑满，但却因鸡奸罪官司而继续扣押的监狱，直至2004年9月鸡奸罪控状被撤销后，才重获自由。不过，我国法律规定，任何人在马来西亚境内被判监禁超过一年或罚款超过马币二千元，而又没获得赦免，出狱后五年内不能参与选举；因此，安华无法参加今年3月8日的第12届全国大选。

不过，人民公正党在今年3月8日的第12届全国大选赢得31个国会议席，成为国会最大在野党；而在野党阵营－－人民联盟－－一共赢得82个国会议席，首次否决了执政集团国民阵线在国会的三分之二多数席优势。

《时代》杂志的世界百名最有影响力人物归类为“领导人与改革者”（Leaders & Revolutionaries）、“英雄与先驱”（Heroes & Pioneers）、科学家与思想家（Scientists & Thinkers）、艺术家与演艺人士（Artists & Entertainers）及创富者与巨擎（Builders & Titans）。

“领导人与改革者”排名第九

安华的名字乃归类于“领导人与改革者”组，在20人中排列第九，名字在他之前的八人是达赖喇嘛、俄罗斯总统普丁、美国三名总统候选人奥巴马、希拉里、麦凯恩、中国国家主席胡锦涛、美国现任总统布什及南非前副总统、现任南非非国大领袖雅各布祖马（Jacob Zuma）。

名字排在安华之后的另11人则是澳洲总理陆克文（Kevin Rudd）、罗马大主教巴萨罗缪一世（Bartholomew I）、美联储主席伯南克（Ben Bernanke）、回教什叶派领袖慕塔达（Muqtada al-Sadr）、美国国防部长罗伯特盖茨（Robert Gates）、智利总统米雪儿巴切莱特（Michelle Bachelet）、印度国大党领导人索妮亚甘地（Sonia Gandhi）、阿富汗塔利班组织领导人巴伊图拉迈赫苏德（Baitullah Mehsud）、玻利维亚总统莫拉莱斯（Evo Morales）、台湾候任总统马英九及巴基斯坦军方首领卡亚尼（Ashfaq Kayani）。【点击：世界百名最有影响力人物完整名单】

《时代》推选世界百名最有影响力人物时，也会邀请一名显要人物撰写短文介绍当选者，而负责介绍安华的显要人物是美国前副国防部长、前世界银行行长保罗沃尔福威茨（Paul Wolfowitz）；保罗沃尔福威茨的短文全文如下：

“倡导宽容，民主及人权的雄辩家”

“在1990年代，马来西亚副首相安华依布拉欣和一组美国参议员联办了一个论坛，让东亚人和美国人交换意见。在其中一场会议中被问到回教在政治里的角色时，安华回答说：“我不尊敬那些自称为回教，却否决国内一半人口的基本权利的政府。” 这名虔诚的回教徒领导人是个令人印象深刻的、倡导宽容，民主及人权的雄辩家，因此，当他在1998年因渎职及鸡奸罪被捕和送审时，我们感到震惊。我认为，他真正的“罪行”是挑战了首相马哈迪，后者令人印象深刻的纪录将因他如此对待安华而永远被沾污。我和参议员纳恩（Sam Nunn）等人为安华辩护。

当他终于在2004年获释时，美国的对伊拉克政策在马来西亚不得人心，而安华更是严厉批判。他可以轻易地否认我们的友谊，但他不是那种人；尽管明确表明不认同我们，但他仍让对话的渠道继续开放。

现年61岁的安华回到了马来西亚政治的中心，他的妻子旺阿兹莎领导的联盟已成为主要的在野党阵营。他未来的角色只有马来西亚人才能决定。人们可以期望，他们将会拥护安华的宽容、重视政治歧见之间的对话，以及这名果敢的领导人将继续在世界舞台上发挥主导作用。”

拒绝回答警方一切盘问 柏特拉：这是政治提控

Written by Malaysia kini

5月2日 傍晚6点20分

受警方提前传召的《今日马来西亚》（Malaysia Today）网站主编拉惹柏特拉（Raja Petra Kamaruddin）於下午4时，到武吉阿曼警察总部网络罪案组(Cyber Crime)录取口供。

拉惹柏特拉是在代表律师兼人民公正党士拉央国会议员梁自坚的陪同下录取口供，并在傍晚6时30分左右步出警察总部。他告诉记者，在长达两个小时半的盘问中，他拒绝回答警方任何问题，并认为这是一项政治提控“political prosecution”。

他披露，警方时候根据刑事法典第112条文下录取其口供，拒绝合作者将可以受到逮捕。尽管如此，拉惹柏特拉表示，他告诉警方，他拒绝回答任何问题，警方可以选择逮捕或释放他。

梁自坚：警方未出示报案书

梁自坚则表示，由于警方没有出示报案书，导致其当事人无从回答，因此拉惹柏特拉有权拒绝回答。

他也认为，这是政府对付部落客的部分行动。除了拉惹柏特拉的妻子玛丽那(Marina)之外，大约10名部落客也在警察总部网络罪案组总部外守候，给予拉惹柏特拉支持打气。

巫统宣传主任莫哈末泰益在去年曾以《今日马来西亚》网站刊登数篇侮辱最高元首、贬低回教和煽动种族仇恨的文章和读者留言为由，而投报《今日马来西亚》触犯刑事法典、煽动法令，以及通讯与多媒体法令，导致拉惹柏特拉遭警方传召盘问长达8个小时。

警方拒让黄朱强探柏特拉

旺沙马珠区国会议员黄朱强也於傍晚5时50分抵达警察总部，他尝试以国会议员和律师身份进入，但是被拒绝。根据黄朱强的说法，警厅的警员宣称受到网络罪案组总监的指示，不允许所有国会议员和律师进入。

蔡添强：世界新闻日一大讽刺

另一方面，人民公正党全国宣传主任蔡添强对于警方在世界新闻自由日前夕，动用《煽动法令》对付《今日大马》（Malaysia Today）网站主编拉惹柏特拉的做法，表示遗憾！

他说：“5月3日是世界新闻自由日，让人感到遗憾的是，警方竟然在这一天，使用煽动法令对付网络媒体，这对原本就缺乏新闻自由度的马来西亚而言，无疑是一大讽刺！”

“较早前，首相阿都拉公开承认，忽略网络媒体、部落格和手机短讯等新兴媒体是国阵政府的一大失误，而今警方却在新闻自由日对付网络媒体，这是否意味著首相在承认失误后，不是承认网络媒体的自主性，而是加强对媒体的打压？”“警方不该动辄使用《煽动法令》，作为打压媒体人的手段；不管是传统媒体还是新兴媒体的报导，执政者如果持有不同看法，大可作出回应。

事实上，针对该网站发表指控副首相纳吉等人涉及蒙古女郎命案的文章，副首相已经透过其新闻秘书东姑沙烈胡丁在该网站上作出回应和反驳。”

“因此，警方在纳吉作出回应后，仍动用《煽动法令》的做法，无疑留下疑问。”

蔡添强是在今日发表文告，针对警方援用煽动法令调查《今日大马》网站主编拉惹柏特拉，并到其位于双溪毛糯住家充公他的电脑一事，作出回应。

另外，蔡添强强调，法庭应加速阿旦杜雅命案的审讯进度，以免此案予人“或因受到干预而进展缓慢“的印象。“不管是基于人道主义的立场，还是马来西亚和蒙古两国关系的外交考量，这宗案件的审理进度，都是各造关注的层面。”

新山德教会回教字画被抄 朝野政党华团齐要求彻查

Written by Malaysia kini

5月2日 傍晚5点38分

新山德教会回教字画被宗教局和内政部官员抄走事件引起社会震惊，隆雪华堂、马华与柔佛社青团不约而同发表文告谴责相关人员枉顾宗教敏感，并且要求这些单位进行彻查。

宗教局和内政部一行7人于本周三（4月30日），闯入柔佛新山的德教会紫书阁，取走挂在内厅代表回教主画像的字画。

德教在1950年代从中国潮州传入马来西亚，至今有50年的历史。这个宗教同时敬奉五大宗教的真主，即道教、儒教、释教（佛教）、耶教（基督教）以及回教，因此紫书阁大门內侧所悬挂的画像包括：基督主耶穌、道教主李老君、佛教主释迦牟尼、儒教主孔夫子、以及代表回教主的一幅白底玻璃相框黑色爪夷文字样的画。

要求彻查以保证不重犯

隆雪华堂会长黄汉良在今天的文告指出，这样的做法是不恰当的，因此要求内政部和宗教局彻查，以确保未来不会发生同样的事情。他表示，有关官员没有出示任何官方证件，而且事前也没有照会或通知德教会的负责人，便强行将德教会内悬挂的回教字画取走。

“不论从行政程序或者宗教敏感度而言，有关官员的做法都是不恰当的。隆雪华堂呼吁内政部和宗教局马上采取行动，调查有关的事件和所涉及的官员，并且确保有关的事件不会重演。”

黄汉良：侵害宪法信仰自由

黄汉良进一步表示，这样的不当做法将侵害宪法所保障的个人信仰自由。“众所周知，我国是一个宗教信仰自由的国家，联合邦宪法也保障各个宗教信徒的权利。

倘若以不恰当的手法，任意干预甚至侵犯其它宗教的信仰自由，势必引起不必要的误解，甚至导致各宗教之间的紧张关系。”

陈财和：伤害宗教和谐共生

马华宗教局主任陈财和表示，德教会是获得国际认同的宗教，传扬五个宗教和谐共生的概念，而大马回教发展局和内政部的非理性行动，已损害宗教的共存和谐。

他指出，德教会的合法团体地位不容受到一些偏激的官员来挑战，德教会宣扬五个宗教教主的中庸之道，已在大马扎根超过五十年，其活动从来没有对回教带来任何负面的影响；相反地，其倡导的异中求同的和谐共生，对摆脱极端宗教带来潜移默化的良好发展。

这位前国内事务部副部长也强调，宗教局和内政部的不当举动，已触动了华社的敏感神经，尤其当局并没有表明采取行动的理由。

他期望有关部门对这种行动查处官员，给德教会一个合理的交代。

庄德志：不能纵容小拿破仑

民主行动党柔佛州社青团也抨击内政部及宗教局的行动，并且要求有关单位说明执法过程的细节。民主行动党柔佛州社青团署理团长庄德志要求彻查下达执行令者，以及质疑有关行动是否依据正常执法程序。

“有关的行动若证实由内政部及宗教局官员执行，那么内政部长赛哈密必须向国人解释，有关的鲁莽行动是否获得内政部的批准，以及内政部是否赞成官员采取相关接近于野蛮和无礼的行为？”

庄德志强调，若内政部长没有对有关官员采取必要的行动，则将等同于默许官员继续蛮横无理地执法，助长小拿破仑官员的气焰。他呼吁内政部长严正看待这宗事件，并积极采取行动杜绝执法人员的违法和滥权行为。

Petra disiasat kes Najib-Altantuya

May 2, 08 12:27pm

Polis menyerbu rumah Raja Petra Kamaruddin pagi ini berhubung siasatan mengenai tulisannya yang menyentuh timbalan perdana menteri Datuk Seri Najib Razak dengan Altantuya Shaariibuu.

Seramai lapan anggota polis tiba di rumah beliau pada jam 9 pagi tadi dan menyoalnya berhubung tulisan tersebut.

Pasukan tersebut diketuai oleh DSP Victor Sanjos dari bahagian jenayah siber Bukit Aman.

Polis yang berada selama dua jam di rumahnya, turut merampaskan komputer ribanya.

Raja Petra mengesahkan perkara itu ketika dihubungi Malaysiakini pagi ini.

Katanya, polis memberitahunya bahawa beliau disiasat bawah Akta Hasutan.

Beliau diarahkan hadir di bahagian jenayah siber pagi esok.

Ketika dihubungi, Victor berkata, laporan terhadap Raja Petra dibuat oleh ketua pegawai penyiasat kes pembunuhan wanita Mongolia itu, Supt Gan Tack Guan.
Dalam laporan Gan itu, tulisan Raja Petra didakwa berunsur hasutan dan sesiapa sahaja yang membacanya, boleh mempercayai apa yang ditulisnya.
Tulisan Raja Petra juga dianggap sebagai komen sebelum penghakiman kes tersebut dibuat.

Kelmarin, Najib berkata beliau tidak pernah mengenali wanita Mongolia itu dan tidak pernah bertemu dengan mangsa terbabit.

"Dakwaan seorang saksi dalam perbicaraan kes Altantuya bahawa konon-kononnya si mati (Altantuya) pernah makan bersama dengan Razak Baginda dan individu bernama 'Najib Razak' tidak pernah disahkan, malah kredibiliti saksi itu juga tidak pernah diteliti.

"Dakwaan kononnya ada gambar si mati dengan (Abdul) Razak (Abdullah Baginda) dan timbalan perdana menteri juga tidak pernah dibuktikan oleh mana-mana pihak melainkan gambar rekaan yang terbukti palsu," kata Najib, melalui kenyataan yang dikeluarkan oleh setiausaha akhbarnya Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad.

Kenyataan akhbar itu diterbitkan Malaysia Today semalam bagi menjawab artikel pengendalinya Raja Petra bertajuk "Let's send Altantuya's murderers to hell" pada 25 April.

Tengku Sariffuddin juga menafikan beberapa dakwaan dalam artikel tersebut, antaranya:

Najib dan isterinya Rosmah Mansor ada kaitan dengan pembunuhan Altantuya,

timbalan perdana menteri pernah menyokong permohonan visa wanita itu, dan

rekod imigresen wanita itu telah sengaja dihapuskan.

"Semua kenyataan ini merupakan kenyataan pandang dengar (hearsay) yang tidak pernah dibuktikan, tetapi pihak tuan sewenang-wenangnya menyiarkan kenyataan seperti itu seolah-olah ia (adalah) fakta," katanya.

Menjawab kenyataan ini pada hari yang sama, Raja Petra berkata beliau berasa gembira dan dihormati apabila setiausaha akhbar kepada timbalan perdana menteri sendiri sanggup menulis kepada Malaysia Today.

"Seperti saya nyatakan beberapa kali sebelum ini, satu-satunya jalan menangani media independen ialah berdepan dengannya, bukan mengabaikannya, kerana pengabaian anda boleh memusnahkan anda sendiri," katanya, memulakan reaksi segera dalam artikelnya "My reply to Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad".

Selain mempertikaikan kewibawaan sistem kehakiman negara, khususnya sewaktu perbicaraan Anwar, penulis blog terkenal itu juga menyebut beberapa insiden layanan buruk polis yang didakwanya dialaminya dan juga isterinya.

Artikel awal Raja Petra minggu lepas dimulakan dengan isu menuntut keadilan buat Altantuya sewaktu kunjungan bapa mangsa bunuh itu Shaariibuu Setev ke Kuala Lumpur bagi mendesak perbicaraan kes bunuh anaknya dijalankan dengan adil.

Selain Abdul Razak, seorang penganalisis politik yang dikaitkan dengan Najib, dua anggota polis pasukan berprofil tinggi Unit Tindakan Khas (UTK) di Bukit Aman turut dituduh dalam kes tersebut mulai Jun tahun lepas.

Cif inspektor Azilah Hadri, dan koperal Sirul Azhar Umar didakwa membunuh Altantuya, di lokasi mukim Bukit Raja, Shah Alam antara 19-20 Oktober 2006.

Abdul Razak, pula didakwa bersubahat dengan Azilah dan Sirul Azhar di Wilayah Persekutuan sehari sebelum pembunuhan itu.

Pembunuhan Altantuya mula menggegarkan negara apabila penganalisis politik ini dan beberapa anggota polis, termasuk Azilah dan Sirul Azhar, ditahan polis pada 7 November 2006.

蒙古女郎案调查官报案 拉惹柏特拉电脑被充公

Written by Malaysia kini

5月2日 中午12点19分

更新因在网站上发表指控副首相纳吉与其夫人罗斯玛涉及蒙古女郎命案的文章，警方援用煽动法令调查《今日马来西亚》（Malaysia Today）网站主编拉惹柏特拉（Raja Petra Kamaruddin），并到其位于双溪毛糯住家充公他的电脑。

明早11时网络罪案组报到

拉惹柏特拉也被谕令在明早11时，向武吉阿曼警察总部网络罪案组(Cyber Crime)报到，以录取口供。

拉惹柏特拉是于日前在《今日大马》(Malaysia Today)网站上发表一篇题为“让我们将杀死阿旦杜雅的凶手送入地狱”( Let's Send Altantuya's Murderer to Hell）的文章而掀起浩然大波。拉惹柏特拉在这篇网络文章中，指控副首相纳吉与其夫人罗斯玛涉及蒙古女郎阿旦杜雅的命案。

充公手提电脑和电脑主机

来自武吉阿曼警察总部网络罪案组的维克山佐斯副警监(Victor Sanjos)是在今早9时，率领7名警员到拉惹柏特拉的住家充公了一台手提电脑和一台电脑主机(CPU)，并逗留了两个小时之久。

在充公的过程中，警方也询问拉惹柏特拉，究竟是不是他亲手撰写和刊登有关章，并求证他是否就是《今日大马》网站的拥有者。

调查官指未有判决就评论
维克山佐斯在接受《当今大马》电询时指出，蒙古女郎命案的调查警官颜德源警监，已针对拉惹柏特拉的网络文章报案。

维克山佐斯透露，颜德源在报案书中，指拉惹柏特拉的文章涉嫌煽动，读过其文章的读者可能相信其内容，而他也在法庭未作出判决前，就先行评论该案。

针对拉惹柏特拉的指控，纳吉也破天荒通过其新闻秘书东姑沙烈胡丁在该网站上发表反驳声明。沙烈胡丁在声明中表示，指纳吉支持阿旦杜雅来马的签证申请、阿旦杜雅的入境纪录被删除以及纳吉曾与阿旦杜雅合照等，都是道听途说的谣言。

声明也说，指阿旦杜雅的死与政府购买潜水艇有关的指控也是毫无根据的传言，并否认纳吉认识死者阿旦杜雅，编造这样的传言只是为了让故事听起来可信度较高。

声明表示，由于指控严重及具破坏性，所以纳吉将会毫不犹豫咨询法律意见。

My reply to Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad

Written by Malaysia-today

Wednesday, 30 April 2008

Dear Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad,

First of all, thank you for writing to Malaysia Today. (Read letter here). As promised, I have published your letter in toto without any amendments, additions, deletions, or ‘touch up’, though I felt some improvement to the language may have been necessary. Nevertheless, I was very careful in not ‘doctoring’ any parts of your letter lest I open myself to accusations of any sort.

I must admit I am pleased and honoured that the Press Secretary of the Deputy Prime Minister and likely future Prime Minister would take the trouble to write to Malaysia Today. As I have said so many times in the past, the only way to deal with the independent media is to engage it, not ignore it, for you ignore it at your own peril. And note that I have used the term ‘independent’ media and not ‘alternative’ media or ‘opposition’ media -- because that is exactly what we are. In fact, what you call the ‘mainstream’ media, today, could actually be called the alternative media.

Now, on the points in your letter. A ‘trial’ by court of public opinion has been what we, the Rakyat, have had to rely on since 1998. Some say that the judiciary has in fact been compromised since 1988 after the sacking of Tun Salleh Abbas and his fellow judges. The fact that these half a dozen or so judges were recently honoured in a dinner graced by the Prime Minister where Abdullah Ahmad Badawi announced that the government will spend millions of the taxpayers’ money to pay these judges their 20 years back-pay confirms that the Abdullah government, in which Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Razak is part of, agrees with the court of public opinion’s view of events that happened 20 years ago.

This opinion is of course strengthened by your very own de facto Law Minister’s statement, barely a few days after taking office, that the government should apologise to Tun Salleh and his fellow judges. This was of course shot down by the Cabinet, and instead of an apology, they are being paid millions of Ringgit, which Najib said should not be interpreted as an apology. Maybe Najib is right when he says that if the government pays out millions of Ringgit of the taxpayers’ money this should be only taken as 20 years back-pay and not be taken as an apology. Nevertheless, this still tantamount to an admission that the judges had been wrongfully dismissed, apology or no apology.

We must also not forget the statement by Justice Kamil when he delivered his judgement in the Likas election petition case. Yang Arif admitted that he always receives instructions from the top before he delivers his judgement on important or crucial cases. Justice Kamli also said that he is not the only judge to receive such instructions but that many other judges are also subjected to interference and instructions from the top and that they are told how they should rule. When asked who this person from the top is, he replied that we should know whom it is he means and he left it at that. No one had any misgivings as to whom Justice Kamil meant.

One very respected retired Chief Justice, who is known as an extremely straight and no-nonsense chap, remarked, if he had to be tried in court, he would not like it to be in a Malaysian court. He further remarked that the windscreens of the cars of judges are blacked-out not for security reasons but because the judges are ashamed to be seen by the public. This is coming from someone who is placed above normal men and when someone of that calibre makes such statements how can the public not feel that the Malaysian judiciary can no longer be trusted? As they say, let you be judged by your peers, and the judiciary’s peers have made their ruling.

Dear Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad,

To argue that we should leave this matter to the courts to decide is just not on. It can never be on until we see genuine and real reforms in the judiciary. And when the talk amongst legal circles is that, in September, the President of the Court of Appeal will take over as the new Chief Justice, this just erodes our confidence in the judiciary even further. Putting Umno’s lawyer in charge of the judiciary is like putting the fox in charge of the henhouse or, as the Malays would say, putting the kambing in charge of the sireh. And you want us to leave it to the courts to decide? When you have highly-respected judges and retired Chief Justices openly condemning the Malaysian judiciary what do you expect the lesser-learned Rakyat like us to do?

Of course, you will say that one is innocent until proven guilty. That is a beautiful concept. However, if you believe such a thing is possible in Malaysia, then you probably believe in the Tooth Fairy and Santa Claus as well. Do you remember Anwar Ibrahim’s trial ten years ago? Anwar was tried in a court of public opinion when they paraded that mattress in and out of court every day. What happened to that mattress? It was never part of the evidence and eventually just quietly disappeared out of sight. Was that not grandstanding for the media and TV cameras?

In Anwar’s case, he was not innocent until proven guilty. Though the Malaysian judicial system, which follows the British and not the French system, stipulates that a man is innocent until proven guilty, Anwar was assumed guilty and he was made to prove his innocence. The onus should be on the court to prove guilt but in Anwar’s case he was considered guilty and he had to prove his innocence. And the judge sent Anwar to jail because, according to the judge, Anwar had failed to prove his innocence.

We are therefore using the same ‘burden of proof’ on the present Deputy Prime Minister just like what the previous Deputy Prime Minister was subjected to. If this system of ‘prove you are innocent or else we have to assume you are guilty’ was good enough for Anwar then it is certainly good enough for Najib. Why should there be different standards between one Deputy Prime Minister and another? Should there not be one standard for all?

Note that Malaysia has a law called the Internal Security Act. When you are detained under this law, you are assumed guilty until you can prove you are innocent. And if you fail to prove your innocence then you are detained without trial indefinitely. Some Malaysians have spent more than 20 years under detention because the hapless person was not able to prove his innocence. Ahmad Boestaman, the famous Malay nationalist and independence fighter, was detained for 14 years or so. You may remember him. His son, Rustam Sani, died recently.

Dear Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad,

I must remind you that I too was arrested on Hari Raya Haji Day in 2001 after I walked into the police station to be with my wife who had earlier been arrested. Her ‘crime’ was for trying to help an old woman who had a knee injury and who was struggling to walk up a hill. The police arrested my wife, the poor old woman, and her daughter.

When I walked into the police station, Bakri Zinin, the current CID Director, assaulted me when I attempted to step outside to make a phone call. I was trying to step outside because a policeman shouted at me that I am not allowed to make a phone call inside the police station. But when I tried to step outside as instructed, Bakri assaulted me. He then instructed his officers to arrest me.

When I asked what my crime was and as to the reason I was being arrested, they told me they will think of something later. In the meantime they will arrest me first. I then insisted I be allowed to make a police report against Bakri but they refused to take my report. When I refused to accept no for an answer, they reluctantly took my report but nothing further was done after that. That police report made on Hari Haji Day of 2001 is probably no longer in the file.

Dear Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad,

I am glad you talk about respect for the law. I just wish you and Najib had said the same thing when they beat me up, handcuffed me, and threw me into the lockup without a charge back in 2001. Will I be accorded justice as well just like how you and Najib want to see justice done? Will Bakri Zinin be taken to task for beating me and for arresting me without any charge? Thus far, the only action taken against him is that he has been promoted from OCPD Dang Wangi to Director CID. Let us talk about justice when I see justice done to me as well. Until then we shall rule by law of public opinion, as that appears to be the only ‘system’ available to us.

I understand the concept of subjudice when commenting on an ongoing trial. So allow me to comment only on what the mainstream newspapers have already covered. The mainstream newspapers reported about a green Suzuki Vitara. The registration plate of the car was also mentioned in that newspaper report. Malaysia Today traced the owner of this car to an address in Ijok. On further checking with the SPR registration, it was confirmed that this person exists and his name, address and IC number tally with that in the JPJ registration.

The house exists and the neighbours confirm that the person concerned does live there and that the green Suzuki Vitara has been seen in front of the house. This, according to the newspapers, is the car that took Altantuya away after she was arrested in front of Razak Baginda’s house and taken to Bukit Aman.

Has this man been picked up? And, if not, then why since Altantuya was last seen alive driving off with him? Malaysia Today has revealed his name, address and IC number. And this man’s neighbours in Ijok confirm his existence and that of the car. Note that this was raised in the trial and was reported by the mainstream newspapers. So this is not mere insinuations and innuendoes.

In an interview in 2002 or 2003, Razak Baginda confirmed that his company brokered the submarine deal. He even mentioned the commission he had earned. This matter was confirmed by Razak himself and is documented in that interview. So this is also no insinuation or innuendo. And have we forgotten Razak’s wife’s outburst when she said that her husband is innocent and that it is not he who wants to become the next Prime Minister? Was Razak’s wife talking about Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Anwar Ibrahim or Khairy Jamaluddin? And was not Razak’s wife once a magistrate who would therefore know the law and know what constitutes subjudice?

Dear Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad,

I can go on but let the above suffice for the meantime. The issue of the changing of the judge after the filing of the Affidavit during the bail hearing (which was raised by Karpal Singh), the defence lawyers resigning because of threats from certain people (which Zulkifli Nordin confirmed), the changing of the entire prosecuting team the morning of the trial (which the prosecutor admitted when he asked for a one-month postponement), and much more are all documented and are on public record. Let the court of public opinion decide whether Malaysia Today is merely raising what is already well-documented or whether Malaysia Today is dabbling in insinuations and innuendoes.

Again, I thank you for your letter and really appreciate you taking the time to write to us. Let us together, in the spirit of Islam, the religion we profess, seek the truth and oppose transgressions -- as made mandatory by Islam under the concept of amar maaruf, nahi munkar. From God we come and to God we shall return. And we shall be made accountable for all that we have done on this earth. And, in the eyes of God, those defending kemunkaran will be as guilty as those committing it. Let us not fear man for man proposes but God disposes. And nothing will befall us that God has not planned will befall us. Subjudice and contempt of court are creations of man that will not carry any weight in God’s court. So fear God because man even as powerful as Prime Ministers and Deputy Prime Ministers will be powerless to help you in God’s court where we shall all ultimately be judged.

Yours truly,

Raja Petra Bin Raja Kamarudin

Press Statement from Deputy Prime Minister Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Razak

Wednesday, 30 April 2008

I would like to refer to an article posted on your website under the heading “Let’s Send the Altantuya Murderers to Hell ” on April 25. For the benefits ofyour readers, I would to like to put the record straight since there were insinuations and unjustified comments made against the Deputy Prime Minister Dato Sri Mohd Najib Tun Razak and his wife Datin Sri Rosmah Mansor in respect of the murder case.

2. The article alleged that the DPM and his wife were implicated in the murder of the Mongolian girl, the Deputy Prime Minister supported her visas application, her immigration record had been erased and there were pictures taken with her. These are hearsays which you have deemed alright to published as reflected by your position “we too have conducted our own trial by court of public opinion and we have already arrived at our verdict”.

3. The article also gave the impression that police investigation was flawed and the legal proceeding was being compromise (show trial in the kangaroo court) and designed to hide the real perpetrators. While it is up to the judiciary and police to deal with these allegations, Dato Sri Mohd Najib reserved the right in this “public opinion” court to reiterate his earlier comments that he did not know and has never met the deceased. As such all these allegations are unfounded and designed to tarnish his standing within the Malaysian public.

4. A witness claimed that Altantuya had dinner with Razak and Najib was never corroborated. No picture was produced in court except that of PKR Information Chief Tian Chua who posted a concocted ‘picture’ on the web. Strangely, no legal attempt had been made to produce this picture as evidence in court to date by PKR as it appears it is only admissible in the public opinion court.

5. The case is a private matter involving Encik Razak Baginda and how the policemen were involved will come out in the open during the court proceedings. I would like to also point out that the claims that Altantuya murder was linked to the country’s purchase of the submarine as baseless and unfounded, it was done to make a good and believable story in the public opinion court.

6. Dato Sri Mohd Najib has been very restrained and guarded in making any public statement on the matter since people known to him have been implicated and have been charged in court. It could be misinterpreted or seen interfering in the case since the court proceedings is on going. In fact, a former Deputy Prime Minister was convicted for abuse of power when trying to suppress a sexual misconduct investigations against him.

7. As pointed out in the article there is an issue of subjudice or contempt of court and Dato Sri Mohd Najib, Malaysians and foreigners here must respect the laws and system that all of us are subject too. As such it is unfair that unfounded and wild allegations in such a serious matter had been made which will tarnish the Deputy Prime Minister’s standing in public.

8. As stated in your article “But this is not about politics and should not be dealt as such”, the DPM also shared this sentiment that this case should seek out the truth and justice should be served. However, it is clear that there are those who are not interested in finding justice for Altantuya. It is the politics of Altantuya they are concerned with and it is my sincere hope that your readers will be able to differentiate between truth, half-truth, falsehood and lies since politicians are judge in the public opinion court.

9. Since the allegations are serious and damaging in nature, the DPM will not hesitate to seek legal redress on the matter.

Thank you.

Datuk Tengku Sariffuddin Tengku Ahmad

Press Secretary to the Deputy Prime Minister

Let’s send the Altantuya murderers to hell

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李家全受委两槟州机构要职

Written by Malaysiakini

4月20日 下午1点27分

《当今大马》日前的率先报道获得证实！前民政党副总秘书李家全（右图）正式被槟州人民联盟政府委任两个要职，出任槟州发展机构董事（Penang Development Corporation，简称PDC）以及投资槟州（Invest Penang）董事及执行委员会主席。毅然宣布退出政坛李家全是接受槟州首席部长林冠英的献意，而出任这两个负责规划槟州经济及招揽投资者的要职。根据《星报》即时短讯，李家全也宣布退出政坛，专注其职务。

日前另一名接受槟州民盟政府委任的民政党要员则是前武吉淡汶区州议员赖秋福。根据《光华日报》报道，他在受委为担任第6届国际龙舟俱乐部锦标赛及第8届亚洲龙舟锦标赛筹委会署理主席后，公开否认将会跳槽离开民政党。

一口气辞去7党职李家全也是前日落洞国会议员以及前卫生部政务次长。他是在接受《光明日报》访问暗示民政党代主席许子根应该为败选引咎辞职竖日后，就一口气宣布辞去7个党职以为败选负责。

他辞去的党职包括副总秘书、中委、中央工作委员会委员、槟城工作委员会委员、槟城副秘书、日落洞区部主席和日落洞路支部主席，唯保留民政党党员的身份。

此举被普遍视为是施压许子根引咎辞职。民政党在本届大选中蒙受创党40年以来最大的惨败，不但在大本营槟州全军覆没，痛失执政权，在全国也只赢得2国4州议席，更失去了在内阁里头唯一的部长职。

遭断言会疏离民政而前民政党智库总监邱继平亦投书《当今大马》指出，李家全在一口气辞去所有民政党职后，在党内的前途可说是荆棘满途。邱继平分析说，许子根和党顾问林敬益仍获得中委、州委和区部领袖的坚定支持，因此要民政党领导层出现大变化应是不大可能的事情。他断言，李家全公然唱反调，表明不认同许子根的领导风格，恐怕只会与当权派逾行逾远。

此外，李家全若想要角逐许子根有意悬空的槟州主席，或更上一层楼挑战许子根的全国主席职的难度也很高。

《当今大马》在4月17日（星期四）率先报道李家全受委为槟州发展机构（PDC）董事一职的新闻，并获得主流报章跟进追踪。在新闻传出之后，林冠英不愿置评，只表示在今日会有重大的宣布。

Teng dilantik Speaker DUN S'gor

Written by Malaysiakini

Apr 20, 08 2:51pm

Wakil rakyat DAP bagi Sungai Pinang, Teng Chang Khim telah dilantik sebagai Speaker Dewan Undangan Negeri (DUN) Selangor.

Beliau merupakan penyandang bukan Melayu pertama yang dilantik memegang jawatan tersebut.

Pelantikan Teng yang merupakan bekas ketua pembangkang di DUN Selangor, diumumkan oleh menteri besar, Khalid Ibrahim hari ini.

Pengumuman itu mengesahkan spekulasi sebelum ini bahawa Teng akan dilantik sebagai Speaker selepas tidak dilantik dalam barisan exco kerajaan negeri Selangor.

Sementara itu, bekas setiausaha agung Gerakan, Lee Kah Choon, yang bersara dari politik tiga minggu lalu, dijangka dilantik sebagai pengarah Perbadanan Kemajuan Pulau Pinang (PDC) dan InvestPenang.

Rabu lalu, edisi bahasa Cina Malaysiakini melaporkan ketua menteri Pulau Pinang, Lim Guan Eng dijangka melantik Lee ke jawatan tersebut bagi memperkukuhkan lagi pentadbiran kerajaan negeri.

PDC berfungsi sebagai badan pelabur kerajaan negeri dan antara tugasnya ialah untuk merancang projek-projek pembangunan, manakala InvestPenang pula ditugaskanmenarik pelabur ke negeri tersebut.

Lembaga pengarah PDC secara tradisinya diketuai oleh dua timbalan ketua menteri - Mohammad Fairus Khairuddin dan Dr P Ramasamy.

Bulan lalu, Lee melepas semua jawatan parti yang disandangnya, iaitu pengerusi Gerakan bahagian Jelutong, penolong setiausaha Gerakan Pulau Pinang, anggota jawatankuasa kerja Gerakan di peringkat negeri dan pusat.

倒黄保黄之争

4月18日 晚上8点09分

马华公会在本届大选竞逐40个国会议席，但是只能赢得15席，在槟州、霹雳角逐的州议席更全落败。


至于在雪州角逐14州席只赢1席，森美兰竞选10州只中选1人，甚至在柔佛的堡垒区也输掉3席。此外，许多拥有官职的马华高层如胡亚桥（关丹国席）、姚长禄（旺沙玛珠国席）、陈财和（敦拉萨镇国席）、周美芬（八打灵再也北区国席）也纷纷中箭落马。比拟1969年惨败的成绩，让马华党内一片哀鸿，同时也掀起要求党高层，尤其总会长黄家定辞职以示负责的隆隆炮声。


尽管黄家定坚持不辞总会长，唯也在压力下，宣布放弃在内阁重组后担任部长或任何官方职位。可是这样的决定并未能平息党内的不满，林祥才、蔡锐明和叶炳汉等党领袖开始呛声，而汤木和黄日龙等人更在3月底发起救党运动，明确要求黄家定下台，新一场龙争虎斗逐已展开。


三月

“马华没料到本身输那么多”　家定：还剩什么可引咎辞职？

大选惨败领导层本应集体辞职　林祥才力促马华提前举行党选

终身学习九大政纲遭华社拒绝　林祥才：这个年代讲民主人权

终身学习九大政纲“背黑锅”　郭义民质疑林祥才论断不客观

宣布不当官不辞总会长职　黄家定：为大选挫折负责

马华大选惨败，党内掀千重浪　地方领袖促黄氏兄弟辞职负责

登马华：别把矛头指向黄家定　林礼菲：不能平等就退出国阵

临阵易將哑巴政治致大败　蔡锐明数落黄家定两宗罪

叶炳汉细数黄家定三宗罪：　个人喜恶挑候选人掀反感

“总会长引咎辞职于事无补”　黄家定称获得中委会一致力挺

马华汇报会不许代表发问　许炎才：你说我听一场秀

“难道要我和家泉断绝关系？” 黄家定汇报会大骂巫统造成惨败

马华获四部长及六副部长　民政党仅剩两个副部长职

马华满意人力部长换妇女部长　民青团失望失去内阁唯一部长

促庄祷融效仿基尔引咎辞职　许炎才建议翁诗杰领导雪州

马华大选惨败领导人不知反省　归咎政治大海啸称神仙也难救

黄进发规劝马华终身学习三件事：学现代政治、学当执政党及在野党

怕区部选举落马暂不表态　马华“倒黄”暗流仍汹涌

“司马昭之心路人皆知”　元老轰家定为党选掌柔佛

马华改弦易辙“不再低调”　黄家定拒回应会否寻求蝉联

脑力激荡大会一昧归咎巫统　马华中委斥领导层推诿责任

黄家定入主柔佛州引爆决裂　蔡细历：他不适合领导华社

四月

“选美比赛未开始不宜先表态”　蔡细历准备角逐马华总会长职？

马华选后首位退党中央领袖　林礼菲：不满没有检讨改革

四月偷拍光碟十二月才流传　蔡细历：我知幕后主谋是谁

带头反对密室协议助家定上位　细历揭当年马华党争“秘辛”

蔡细历批评巫统马来人议程　称年轻一代要马华敢怒敢言

马华救党运动打响第一炮！　怡保第一站加开至20桌

促不满元老留待党选见真章　家泉再为裙带关系指责叫屈

马华遭火箭月光千里眼射穿　倒黄运动要新总会长补破船

叶逸堂：霹马华败选两大主因　临阵易将，领袖大肆收刮土地

蔡细历也搭上部落客列车　促网民集思广益重建马华

家定以退为进纾缓下台压力？　“倒黄”派不接受家泉接棒

马华设“三人小组”铲除异己？ 林祥才：有人说我也是目标之一

马华救党运动“小火慢慢烧”　汤木否认是代理人或失意分子

七月才公布马华党选动向　林祥才说不会让大家失望

斥设三人小组指责无中生有　黄家定委党元老彻查还清白

“我没有理由伤害蔡细历”　黄家定：偷拍光碟与我无关

称是陈国煌再三要他掌柔州　黄家定要堵失一国三州缺口

挑战家泉庙前发誓无三人小组　救党委会质疑委律师调查目的

“让时间打破黄氏王朝印象”　黄家定：不会点名家泉接棒

称重振马华是“政治遗产”　黄家定出示名册反驳退党风

干预中文报？家定说高估他了　称马华股权少难影响南洋报业

黄家定：给我们该有的尊重　马华现在开始大声道出感受

调查“三人小组”听证会流产　郑富基因“私人理由”拒受委

Pelan PM letak jawatan disusun

Written by Malaysiakini

April 11, 2008

Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi akan berbincang dengan timbalannya mengenai pelan peralihan kuasa, kata naib presiden Umno, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yasin hari ini.

Dalam perjumpaan tertutup dengan Umno Johor, kata Muhyiddin, Abdullah menyatakan beliau akan berbincang secara terperinci mengenai pelan penggantian kepemimpinan dengan Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

"Tempoh peralihan dan sebagainya tidak disebut secara terperinci... hal-hal berkaitan dengan bila masa dan sebagainya beliau akan bincang dengan Datuk Seri Najib," kata Muhyiddin, lapor Bernama, selepas menghadiri perjumpaan itu di sebuah hotel di Johor Bahru.

Ketua Puteri Umno negeri Nor Aslina Zainal Abidin pula berkata, dalam pertemuan itu, badan perhubungan bertanya kepada Abdullah sama ada beliau mempunyai pelan peralihan kuasa.

"Kita tidak minta Pak Lah berundur tetapi ada bunyi-bunyi (seumpama itu) bahawa contohnya pada zaman (Perdana Menteri pertama allahyarham) Tunku Abdul Rahman di mana proses peralihan kuasa berjalan dengan lancar kepada (allahyarham) Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, begitu juga di zaman Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad proses peralihan kuasa berjalan lancar kepada Pak Lah," Nor Aslina dipetik sebagai berkata.

Sementara itu, selain mengaku beliau sendiri menjadi satu daripada punca-punca kemerosotan BN dalam pilihanraya umum, Abdullah juga mendedahkan beliau menerima desakan negeri-negeri agar berundur.

"Ada (terima desakan), bukan semua (negeri) kata begitu. Saya juga dapat laporan... "Takpelah mereka nak cakap... tentang undur apa semua... saya pun bukan orang yang nak kekal selama-lamanya dalam kepimpinan," kata perdana menteri lagi selepas pertemuan dengan Umno Johor.

Menurut satu laporan Bernama, Abdullah mengulas laporan bahawa pemimpin-pemimpin bahagian Umno di Kedah dan Pulau Pinang dalam pertemuan dengan jawatankuasa pengurusan, yang diketuai Najib, semalam. Umno Johor hari ini, seperti diduga, secara lembut mendesak Abdullah berundur apabila menyarankan beliau menyediakan "pelan peralihan" kuasa kepada penggantinya. BN mengalami kemerosotan luar biasa apabila gagal mempertahankan majoriti dua pertiga di Dewan Rakyat, manakala lima negeri - termasuk Kelantan - jatuh ke tangan pembangkang. Di Wilayah Persekutuan, BN hanya meraih satu daripada 11 kerusi parlimen.

Selepas pilihanraya umum 8 Mac, kepemimpinan dan imej Abdullah terus tercalar apabila calon-calon menteri besar lantikannya di Perlis dan Terengganu ditolak mentah-mentah oleh Sultan masing-masing.

Awal bulan ini, mantan perdana menteri Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad menyifatkan Abdullah memerintah di lima negeri sahaja, termasuk Sabah dan Sarawak, selepas "sembilan negeri" menolak kepemimpinannya.

Sembilan negeri itu: lima yang ditadbir pembangkang, Wilayah Persekutuan, Perlis, Terengganu dan Johor.

Umno Kedah, P Pinang Mahu PM Berundur?

Written by A Kadir Jadsin

April 11, 2008

KHABAR awal yang belum disahkan menunjukkan Umno Kedah dan Pulau Pinang mahu Presiden mereka, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, mengundurkan diri secepat mungkin kerana kekalahan teruk parti itu pada 8 Mac lalu.

Mereka juga menyalahkan Ketua Perhubungan dan Timbalan Ketua perhubungan negeri masing-masing dan mahu mereka turut mengundurkan diri.

Khabarnya, percubaan beberapa orang pemimpin bahagian mempertahankan Abdullah telah diejek (diboo) oleh yang hadir.Semua ini berlaku ketika penyiasatan pasca-pilihan raya diadakan di Kedah dan Pulau Pinang semalam (10 April) dengan dipengerusikan oleh Timbalan Presiden dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Mohd Najib Abdul Razak.

Turut mewakili Majlis Tertinggi dalam perjumpaan itu adalah Naib Presiden Muhyiddin Yassin dan Mohd Ali Rustam, Ketua Wanita Rafidah Aziz, Setiausaha Agung Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor, Ketua Penerangan Muhammad Muhd Taib, Ketua Puteri Noraini Ahmad and Ketua Putera Abdul Azeez Abdul Rahim.

Antara keputusan dan pandangan lain yang dikatakan terbit daripada biopsi (saya sengaja tidak mengguna pakai istilah bedah siasat (post-mortem) sebab Umno tidak mati atau belum mati) itu adalah:

1. Abdullah wajar diberikan masa dan kaedah pengunduran yang terhormat;

2. Pengunduran diri beliau sebagai ketua parti dan ketua kerajaan perlu berlaku sebelum perhimpunan agung dan pemilihan Umno Disember ini;

3. Mohd Najib dicadangkan sebagai calon Presiden dan Muhyiddin sebagai Timbalan Presiden tetapi tidak menghalang orang lain daripada dicalonkan; dan

4. Tidak menyekat kegiatan atau menyerang bekas Presiden dan Perdana Menteri, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Malah, menurut laporan laman berita bebas Internet, Malaysiakini, sesetengah wakil bahagian menyebut bahawa selama 22 tahun pemerintahannya, Dr Mahathir “tidak pernah menyebabkan BN dan Umno kalah seteruk pada pilihan raya baru lalu.”

Sementara itu, sumber-sumber lain yang rapat dengan Umno mengatakan bahawa Persatuan Bekas-Bekas Wakil Rakyat Umno (Mubarak) dan Kelab Bekas-Bekas Menteri Umno juga sudah menghantar petisyen meminta Abdullah mengundurkan diri daripada memimpin parti dan negara.

马华不得不去面对的真相

特约冯久玲 Malaysiakini 4月7日 中午12点01分

三月八日是一个新的开始。

也可能会是一个好的开始。会不会好，还要等到今年的六月中，我们将会清楚地看出马来西亚的各路政治领袖有没有开创新局的诚意，愿景，能力和战略。

首先，我们必须认清楚赢的原因与输的理由并非是一样的。在野党的胜出与执政党的失败不全是因为相同的理由。目前看起来，执政党成员似乎尚未完全认清失败的真正原因。震惊之余, 许多未能接受这个事实。变天毕竟不是平常事，需要时间，痛定思“因”，重新出发。

马华公会也一样。 第十二届大选惨败把马华推到一个面对继续存亡的边缘，40个竞选的国会议席只拿下15个，90个州议席只拿到31个，在马来西亚唯一的华人为大多数的州--槟城，全军覆没，吉隆坡直辖区，雪兰莪州，霹雳州，森美兰州，也严重受挫。执政党的执迷不悟，内忧外患，贪污腐败与在野党的与时俱进，精明战略，掌握脉动创造了今天的新开始。

这新的开始同时也揭示了一个马华不得不面对的真相。

这真相是什么呢？是总会长领导失误，必须追究他的责任? 如果只追究责任，未免有点只见树不见林。同时没真正地掌握真实情况，了解局面与形势。

还是怪马华自己被巫统所连累？马华在过去三十年来到底做错了些什么？蔡细历先生问，“马华继续存在有什么意义？”让我换个提问的方法，问“马华还有什么继续存在的价值？”换言之，马华不得不面对的问题是其定位的问题。

从存在的理由(raison d'etre)到存在的价值

是的，今天我们应该从选民的角度来看马华的存在价值。让我们问两个问题：

1. 对巫统来说，如果马华已经不能够得到华人选民的支持，而且马华的候选人必须靠马来选票才能中选，请问：巫统这个国阵大股东将会看到马华有什么价值？今天，巫统在回教党和公正党的强烈攻势下，已失去绝大多数的马来票，已经不再独领风骚。而华人选票变成是马来政党当政的关键因素。请问：马华的作用在哪里？

2. 对华人社会而言，马华也很久没有能力为他们争取基本权益了。相反，假如我们华人的课题重新被定位为全部国人的课题，其他的非华裔政党能更有效地促进我们的福利。那么请问，华基政党还有什么作用？请问，马华还有什么作用？

仆人政治文化造成困境马华

今天的困境是过去一些年来累积成的仆人政治文化所造成的。马华的集体领导传达着一种佣人的思维；其政治立场与作风似乎难以独立，尤其在影响华人的问题上，显得顾忌很多。他习惯以一个随从的角度来思考，而不是开创者。很多人的印象中，马华代表政府和巫统，而非华人；马华的老板不是华人，是巫统。在马华自己的党争中，甚至不明智地引进巫统的势力，丢失自己党的独立性。这是过去马华党领导最大的失误：一旦踏入这个错位，自己就被陷入一个死胡同，在立场上无法呈现自己的尊严。接着，在内阁和政府内部的影响力也会降低。大家都目睹了很多马华部长在政府官僚机构内几乎不能发挥作用。

我们来研究几个坊间流传的说法：

1. 有人在朝好做事 Vs 在大清朝廷的汉官

马华说有人在朝好做事，也有某位马华部长很传神的说，马华部长是大清朝廷的汉官，“有人在朝好做事”这个说法已经很彻底，且很公开地被推翻了。前几天，马华元老、前房屋与地方政府部长陈祖排先生就在野党能够为新村发永久地契一事，公开表示汗颜。此事马华在朝50年都做不到，而在野党在执政还不到50天的时间内就完成了这个被认为的“不可能”任务！

2. 不务正业 Vs 国家政策

马华同仁时常很委屈地说：“我们里外不是人，吃力不讨好，做了这么多的事情，华社都不感激”。这里存在一个理解上的错误。就好比一个妈妈为孩子做了很多事情，孩子说，你干嘛？这不是你应该做的。人民也有点纳闷。既然你是人民的公仆，所谓YB是我们尊敬你的职位，称你BERHORMAT。其实，这YB应该是BERKHIDMAT，也就是说你提供服务是理所当然的。人民不欠你人情。相反，如果没有表现的话，就应该引咎辞职，鞠躬下台。

坊间责备马华不务正业是因为人民对代议士的期望是要他们在治国政策上有想法，能够去争取拟定和执行有力政策，建设一个有利于人民、企业与社会发展的积极环境。当政者的任务应该是帮助人民成功，而不是去做人民已经能做得很好的事情。

让我们一起看看如下几个领域：

一、教育体制：既然马华是政府，他就有责任理顺有关的政策瓶颈。我们需要的是一个有竞争力的，高素质的教育体系。那些有关搬迁华小、解决临教、用英语教数理等微观课题，不是宏观的政策关注点。既然这些课题已经被纳入发展计划内，那就要严格地去执行。执行不到位的话，那就是能了和行政效率的问题，应该根据有所醒悟。当政者必须坚持，并且对症下药，而不是懦弱地一而再，再而三地去争取。有时候马华领袖在人民面前抱怨政府的无能，我们不解的是，你自己就是政府啊！

拉曼学院在大马教育发展史上是功不可没的：在六九年那种情况下能争取到用政府经费来办一所大专院校！在那个缺乏高等教育的年代，拉曼学院为社会提供了一批批的专业人才。证明那时的马华领袖做对了。二十年后，马来西亚的私立高等教育已自力更生，艰苦摸索，好不容易走出一个可持续发展的模式。此时马华推出拉蔓大学，被许多人批评为多此一举：既然私立大学已经有能力培养出一批批比国立大学更优秀的人才，而且这些私立学院也能够有效运作，创造盈利，股票上市，让广大的马来西亚股民受益。那么，马华就真的没有必要去与私人企业竞争了。更何况，拉曼大学同样是从华社募款，会分散华社已经非常稀薄的资源。

这二十五年来，大马教育素质日陵月替，这完全是个教育机制和与市场需求脱离的结果。举个例子。过去进入大学的门槛很高，只有尖子才有机会研修大学的课程，因此毕业出来的学生都是扎扎实实的人才，得到国际企业的尊敬与重用。今天，大马教育文凭毕业后可以通过各种渠道获得大学学历，扩招政策使得学生整体素质下降，以致出现今天不少大学毕业生失业的困境。现有的大学教育也出现严重的不平衡，有项调查指出，马来西亚教育文凭毕业生绝大部分只选修五个科系，除工程学以外，其他四个科系都是非科学类的。今日国内出现严重科学与技术人才的短缺，这个缺口就是要通过政府来弥补。马华不应该自己去办教育，他的责任应该是推动政府利用公众资源把马来西亚的教育体制发展得更有竞争力。如果马华真的要办科研，比较适合的就是去推动一个顶尖的智库，为国家思考研发出一套发展大蓝图。或者做政策分析，找寻出更有效的施政方案。很遗憾的是，一位马华部长说：＂大马华人的竞争力与港台大陆比较，已经远远地被抛在后面了。＂他在讲这一个事情时，像在评论别人家的事。我奇怪他怎么不会想到，大马人的竞争力不就是政府人力资源部的责任吗？如果我们的竞争力退步，那是不是人力资源部没把工作做好？而人力资源部部长是由马华领导出任的。

身为一个政府，就应该制定有利的政策并有效地执行，而不是与民争。民间已有能力做的事，政府就应该加大力度扶持他们，让他们能够做得更好，做到享誉世界。

二、服务中心：据说，张天赐是马华的党宝。奇难杂症，各种五花八门的社会问题，马华的张天赐都将为你解决。我们在想，如果社会没那么多的问题，就不需要张天赐了。社会为什么有那么多问题呢，这就得问当家政府了。因此，就张天赐而言，更准确地说，是马华最大的讽刺。同样的，国内的各政党大大小小的服务中心数以千计，都显示各方政府的无能。一箩筐的地方问题都必须出动当地的代仪士去解决，从与市仪会交涉到为优秀学生争取入学机会，都在煎熬着我们的YB们。试问，这些不都是政府无能的表现吗？

三、治安问题：现时越来越严重的治安问题，当政者并没有意识到根源。警民合作在社区建立RAKANCOP的计划都是表面的媒体事件，对真正杜绝犯罪起不了大作用。问题的根源是为什么犯罪率那么高？谁在犯罪？什么样的政治决心和铁腕式执法才可以解决安全的问题？我们都知道马来西亚有超过二十五万的瘾君子，将近百万的失业大学生，再加上松懈的外劳政策。可以说，我们的治安问题是与政策导向有连带关系的。如今，安全问题已经成为威胁大马人的头号危机，当政的部长先生与他们的家人们也都不能置身事外，可就是看不到有一套完整的解决方案出台，为什么呢？

四、垄断传媒: 政府的工作是要主持公道，避免垄断，促进竞争，鼓励百花齐放，百家争鸣，以便人民能有更多的选择。我们不明白的是，当政的马华不单没有做到以上的基本责任，反而变成促进垄断的推手和主角。不管民间如何反对，他们还是一意孤行，造成了如今一言堂的媒体生态。难怪国内的知识份子都转向电子传媒，不愿意被奴化，被愚化。我们可以很清楚看到，马华失利的州属的选民都是知识层次比较高的。这跟媒体的垄断有直接的关系。以上种种都证明，马华对其作为一个当政者的角色极度模糊，常常出现错位、缺位的行为，因此才会被人批评“不务正业”。

马华今天的困境是因为他对自己的角色扮演出现错位。三八大选结果撼动了马华五十年的政治根基，但是我们却听到马华领导人说，“这是大势所趋”。事实上，这个音讯早已写在墙上，说重点，这是一个存亡的临界点；说轻点，过去三十的政策造成的瓶颈，把马华紧紧地塞在瓶颈正中，上也不是，下也不是。我们观察，评述马华政策的朋友都在为它焦急不已。 因为，时代早已不同。痛苦指数直线上升，马来西亚国内能列入希望之表的元素正逐日减少。难怪没有人再有耐心去听那过时的老调……

马来西亚要冲出发展的瓶颈，种族主义的政治必须转型。今天的政治局面尚在变化中，但还谈不上种族政治的终结。只是今天以种族利益为导向的诉求难以再站住脚了。高明的做法是，以全民利益为诉求（ National interest, common interest),选用与选民较接近的种族代表（ Ethnic Candidate)来取得胜利。这是我们走出过去以族群利益为导向的政治的第一步。

下面要问的问题是，马华会不会改？如果会的话，该怎么样改？由谁来改？

首先，马华要重拾选民的信心，他必须证实他有治理国家的愿景，有能力与其他友族政党有效地合作，尤其是与马来人的关系。马华公会仍是一个发展华人竞争力和文化实力的政治组织，这与国家方向没有抵触，因为华人与华人的文化构成马来西亚国家文化的一部份。但是，应放弃以华人利益为导向，而是一个以全民福祉为依归的政治组织，因为全民族利益也就包括了华人的利益。这样，种族的色彩才能淡化，才不会有那种你赢我输的坏情绪。马华公会仍然拥有华人党员，中长期内则可以逐步开放给那些能说华语的马来西亚人。小心处理，千万不能有种族沙文主义者的影子。这是今天的大势所趋，也是大时代推动的转型。

黄氏公会和天兵战略

谁可以带动马华转型，哪一位马华领袖能有必须的道德勇气、魄力、能力与魅力？马华一百二十万党员，以及其支持者能否走出过去的习惯，建立新的政治文化，试问他们的政治热情，政治理想能感动，能激励有为的年青人？这新马华的领袖，必须有大时代的使命感，方能创造大马民族的新格局。他（她） 要有邓小平的坚持，不屈不饶，有朱镕基先生的坚定，果断，有前总统里根的个人魅力，能吸引和凝聚各路英雄，与其他的族群打交道时，能传达诚意但是也能做到不卑不亢。 当今会长是不是要为大选惨败而辞职，是一百二十万马华党员的家事。黄家定被指责把MCA（马华公会）变成WCA（黄氏公会），在非非常时期，他的天兵天将战略也可能被歌颂为造成马华年轻化换血的伟大行动。可是黄总会长的运气不好，选择的时机不对，结果也就不言而喻了。

那么新局要怎么开创？全球化的巨浪，超级资本主义的重炮，中国、印度、越南崛起之时，马来西亚要站在什么位置？过去几年，我们不仅经济成长停滞，前瞻思考也停滞。疏于与竞争对手比较，更疏于认真研究国内真实的现况，马来西亚自己边缘化了自己。我们向上成长的生命力也停滞了，虽然民间叫苦连天，政府不但没有及时察觉危机，反而不断地派发“他们无饭吃，叫他们吃蛋糕“这类止痛药。这类消极情况必须停止，并要迅速地调整过来。时机是不会等待那些不自爱的民族的。

马华基业深厚，转型未尝不可

马华有很深厚的基业，我们对于马华的转型寄予厚望，一百二十万党员是四分之一的华社。应该能够凝聚力起来直面现实。三月八日的结果是马来西亚民主的一个突破。马华应该感谢这一个历史性的发展，给马华敲响了转型的警钟：今天的局面很有可能会创造一个新的时代。要掌握这个时代的契机，马华必须重新定位，。转型的工作充满挑战，重要的我们必须知道，如果这个开始不是马华基业终止的开始，马华同仁必须勇敢去面对真相，去做对的事，去说对的话，重新找回自己的正确角色。凭借着马华丰富的资源，广泛的联络网，除非他无法在思想上变革，否则，他比国内任何一个政党都更有条件给自己 赋予新的政治生命 。

我们在翘首盼望着真正的变化，期望马华有开创新局的生命力。一个能够转型的马华是马来西亚人的福气，因为人民想要得是真正的选择。